Since taking office, the Biden administration has attempted to reestablish relations with Democratic allies in Europe and to form a united front against authoritarian states like Russia and China. Last month, President Joe Biden hosted a virtual summit of democracies that focused on promoting democracy and democratic values.

But polls indicate that many voters across Europe are not convinced such alliances make sense for their countries. Some prefer to focus on trade and investment with dictatorial powers like China and Russia, while others remain halfway between promoting democracy and economic interests.

This range of views reflects historical differences and cultural trends, as well as general skepticism about the United States’ role as a bastion of democracy amid political dysfunction in Washington and the potential for another presidency. Trump.

“Europeans don’t like to think in terms of friends or enemies, and what [Biden’s] summit of democracies is preparing more or less a new cold war between democracies and authoritarianism ”, explains René Cuperus, senior fellow at the International Clingendael Institute. “I don’t think Europe wants to enter into this framework. They are part of a multilateral family.

Berlin

In the fight against the authoritarians of the world, US President Joe Biden wants the help of Democratic allies. But not all of these allies fully agree with his vision.

A recent poll asked voters in 20 democracies to choose between forming alliances to stand up to countries like China and Russia and taking a softer line that protects mutual economic interests. The YouGov / Global Progress poll of more than 22,000 people then divided the countries into three groups: pro-democracy hardliners, pro-engagement “soft-liners” and a middle group known as “handwringers”. These torturers include Germany, Hungary and the Netherlands, and their populations show clear cracks in the weight to be given to the export of democratic values.

Respondents in France, Italy and Spain expressed fewer doubts: economic cooperation trumps democratic alliances, placing them in the camp of the “soft line”. In contrast, Sweden and the United Kingdom sided with the pro-democracy camp, along with the United States and Canada.

And while these views do not necessarily prevent NATO allies from standing firm against Russia in the current standoff in Ukraine, for example, it indicates ambivalence in Europe about framing democracies against authoritarians in the United States. President Biden.

Behind that hesitation lies the narrative that the United States lost much of its shine as the democratic beacon of the world amid President Donald Trump’s tenure, capped by the Capitol Riots debacle at the end of his life. mandate. There are also unique historical ties between individual countries and Russia, and support for strong economic ties with China. More than that, Europe with its multitude of languages, cultures and styles of governance does not fall so clearly into “black and white thinking”, says René Cuperus, political columnist and senior researcher at the International Clingendael Institute, a think tank in The Hague.

“Europeans don’t like to think in terms of friends or enemies, and what [Biden’s] summit of democracies is preparing more or less a new cold war between democracies and authoritarianism ”, explains Dr Cuperus, referring to a virtual summit which was held last month. “I don’t think Europe wants to enter into this framework. They are part of a multilateral family.

A call to introspection

For four years, Europe suffered from an American president who flattered dictators and despised Democratic allies, including in Europe. That the same president, or a sidekick, could return to power has led some to question the stability of American democracy itself.

“I think in Europe we would like to see Americans introspecting and reflecting on their own democracy rather than exporting it. America is a very vulnerable and polarized democracy right now, ”says Dr Cuperus.

Deep and complex relations with authoritarian countries like China and Russia also color the picture. German Chancellor Olaf Scholz comes from a center-left party with historic affiliation with Russia, a country that was invaded by Germany and its fascist allies during World War II. “There is a lot of guilt,” says Dr Cuperus. “It’s not that easy for Americans to understand the legacy of the WWII engine in Europe.”

Then there is the economic weight of undemocratic powers like China. Take the Netherlands: it’s a long-time trading nation that is home to ASML, a world-class computer chip tool maker that underpins high-tech global supply chains.

“Should they be allowed to export their very high quality chips to China, or is this a problem in the Western world?” Asks Dr Cuperus. “But America is not making up for this loss to China. There should be a compensation mechanism in the western transatlantic trade arena.

Trade with China has also boosted policy in Germany, which under former Chancellor Angela Merkel backed a controversial EU-China trade deal that was stalled last year. Germany is also counting on Russian gas, in particular with the phase-out of nuclear power.

Operate from a different baseline

Overall, European countries may be operating from a different foreign policy benchmark than the United States. Human rights violations do not necessarily force EU countries to act to change the behavior of these governments, says Sven Biscop, director of the Europe in the world program at the Royal Egmont Institute for International Relations .

“Moreover, they don’t necessarily see the fact that China is authoritarian as the defining aspect of China,” adds Dr Biscop. “A democratic China would probably not give up its claims on Taiwan, probably not even on the South China Sea, and it would remain a strong economic competitor. What defines here: that China is authoritarian, or is it a great power? “

And while Russia borders Europe and poses a direct military threat, as in Ukraine, friction with China is mainly related to economic competition and trade rules, he notes.

Ultimately, there is a pragmatism in the European approach to global issues and a realization that China and Russia must be at the table, says Dr Biscop. “People care a lot, for example, about climate change, but it’s not that directly related to the form of government,” he says.

For Hungary, another “sniper” in the YouGov poll, the notion of defending democratic values ​​is at odds with its own form of government under President Viktor Orbán; most analysts see it as an undemocratic state. “Viktor Orbán has very openly challenged liberal EU standards, so it’s really an essential part of his ideological identity,” said Richard Youngs, democracy expert and senior researcher at Carnegie Europe.

Some European democracies are relieved that an America that left the realm of democracy promotion and human rights policy under Mr. Trump has returned to the conversation.

“But I still think there is some skepticism about what a US-led push for democracy and human rights might achieve,” Dr. Youngs said. “The key question is what is happening now. It is not just about rebuilding the old transatlantic relationship. Can this evolve into a truly global initiative? “